Monday, August 25, 2025

Review: John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World Barney Doherty

https:/tab=rm&ogbl#inbox/WhctKLbmkBWtPGCQDTpWFjGjZVHDstblbVJVPMmGdbFTzhVTDMwCtWfWLZdfKFhpcFCNZxl?projector=1&messagePartId=0.1

~~ recommended by collectivist action ~~

John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World


The centenary of the Russian Revolution

in 1917 is obviously significant for Marxists.

This year will see attempts to misrepresent

the revolution or questions its democratic

nature or political necessity.


Revolutionary socialists, therefore, must

study the event themselves and understand

how it happened and what its significance

was. A good place to start is with John

Reed’s Ten Days That Shook the World. In

this book, Reed gives a first-hand journalis-

tic account of the revolution as it unfolded 

around him.


Reed was a socialist activist and jouralist 

from the US who was covering the

October Revolution for the magazine ‘The

Masses’. From his collection of primary

documents and transcripts of speeches and

debates he attended, Reed constructs an 

overview of the developing political land-

scape and brings the reader through the 

rapidly moving events with impressive clarity.


Reed’s powerful writing style brilliantly

captures the excitement and spirit of the

revolutionary period from the streets of St.

Petersburg to the rapturous halls of the

Congress of Soviets. While he maintained 

that the book ‘does not pretend to be any-

thing but a detailed account’ of the revolu-

tion, amongst its pages are counters to the 

common criticism of the revolution as well as

several important lessons for revolutionaries

Today.


Immediately in Ten Days That Shook the

World, Reed reveals how Russian society was

in a flux. Ideas were being debated on street

corners and in large halls, all of Russia, he 

writes, ‘was learning to read politics, eco-

nomics, history because people wanted to 

know.’ The masses were not passive spec-

tators of the political discussion but were 

energetic participants.


Reed commented that by October the

period of the February Revolution seemed 

conservative by comparison. Russian poli-

tics ‘swung bodily to the Left’ as the masses 

grew in confidence and changed the param-

eters of political discourse, ‘until the Cadets

were outlawed as ‘enemies of the people’,

Kerensky became a ‘counter-revolutionist’,

the ‘middle’ Socialist leaders... were too re-

actionary for their following’. (p. 36)


The revolution in October was part of a

wider process of human liberation, as people

were actively involved in conciously shap-

ing their society. The levels of engagement

were so high in fact Reed asked, with ‘such a

deluge of high and hot thoughts that surely

Russia would never again be dumb!’ (p.137)

Lenin described revolutions as ‘festivals of

the oppressed and the exploited’ and this de-

scription certainly matches the events from 

Reed’s account.


The mass participation involved contra-

dicts the most common criticism of the rev-

olution, that it was an undemocratic coup 

orchestrated by Lenin and the Bolsheviks.


This critique usually contends that the Pro-

visional Government led by Kerensky had 

the only democratic mandate. From reading

Ten Days That Shook the World, however,

one understands the flourishing of democ-

racy that had taken place.


The revolution gave power to the Sovi-

ets which were ‘the direct representatives 

of millions on millions of common workers,

79 soldiers, peasants’. (p. 36) The Bolshevik

call for ‘all power to the Soviets’ was not

a negation but an extension of democracy,

as it gave direct authority to the masses in

both the political and crucially the economic

Sphere.


Reed’s account is filled with descriptions

of this radical democracy or ‘people power’ 

in action. ‘Everywhere the same thing hap-

pened. The common soldiers and the indus-

trial workers supported the Soviets by a vast

majority.’ (p. 147) The existence of soviets in

 factories and barracks meant that the 

masses were truly involved in the organising

their lives. The revolution grew from the

immediate and ‘moderate’ demands of the

masses for land, bread and peace.


Reed’s sympathies were with the pro-

letariat; nevertheless his book recognises

the deep divide in the society and bril-

liantly demonstrates the effect that counter-

revolutionary forces can have at the pivotal

times. New formations such as the Commit-

tee of Salvation were set up to confront the

influence of the Soviets.


Nothing could be more striking than the 

contrast between this [Committee of Salvation] 

and the Congress of Soviets. There, great 

masses of shabby soldiers, grimy workmen, 

Peasants - poor men, bent and scarred

in the brute struggle for existence; here 

the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary 

leaders...rubbed shoulders with Cadets...

with journalists, students, intel-ectuals. 

This Duma crowd was well fed, well dressed; 

I did not see more than three proletarians

among them all. (p. 123)


These class contradictions explain the

reason why most other political parties were

not supportive of the October Revolution.

Reed quotes Trotsky who pointed out that

these ‘parties which march against us... are

isolated, and for ever cut off from the prole-

tariat!’ (p. 141)


This is at the core of the book, Reed

points out that the revolution was not won

by the Bolsheviks but by the people. ‘This

was their battle, for their world; the officers

 in command were elected by them... the

anonymous hordes of the people... rose like

a tide and poured over the enemy’ claiming

power for themselves. (p. 201)


Class interests are magnified in a revolu-

tion. Many who were active in the Febru-

ary Revolution, turned against the move-

ment and sided with reactionary forces as

the workers got closer to gaining power.

These lessons are vital for future struggles,

it is important to know the limits of political

Ideologies.


The revolution shown in Ten Days That

Shook the World is not an idealised repre-

sentation. It was not created by the Bolshe-

viks, as Reed wrote it ‘had not come as they

expected it would come, nor as the intelli-

gentsia desired it; but it had come – rough,

strong, impatient of formulas, contemptuous

of sentimentalism; real’ (p. 134)


This ‘real’ revolution threw everything in

the air. It was certainly not guaranteed that

the Bolsheviks would win the majority to

their side. From the collapse of the status

quo emerged various ideological positions.

Workers could be pulled by many competing

ideas. As Reed eloquently explained ‘Old

Russia was no more; human society flowed

molten in primal heat, and from the tossing

sea of flame was emerging the class struggle.’

(p. 147)


The strength of the Bolsheviks was their

ability to react to the revolutionary moment

and offer a leadership which was critical. Af-

ter months of struggle and principled cam-

paigning the popular call for ‘land, bread

and peace’ and ‘All power to the Soviets’

culminated in support for the revolution and

the Bolsheviks. The revolutionary period

was a learning process in which the masses

developed a new consciousness and fought

for a new type of society, a socialist one. The

Bolsheviks remained principled in their cam-

paign to support the emancipation of the

working class.


So plunged the Bolsheviks ahead, irresistible,

 overring hesitation and opposition – the

only people in Russia who had a definite 

programme of action while others talked for eight long

months. (p. 137)


As Irish revolutionaries in 2017 it is ob-

vious that the conditions we organise in are

vastly different to those of Russia in 1917.

This does not mean though that we should

ignore the lessons that were hard-learned

through struggle by the Russian revolution-

aries.


Ten Days That Shook the World cap-

tures vividly that in times of revolutionary

movements society is in huge fluctuation and

from this breeds a multitude of ideas. The

book demonstrated the need for a revolu-

tionary party to offer leadership. That party

though, like the Bolsheviks, must be rooted

in movements and struggle to build the con-

fidence of the working class.


Not by compromise with the propertied 

classes, or with the political leaders; not 

by conciliation the old Government mecha-

nism, did the Bolsheviki conquer the power. 

Nor by the organised violence of a small clique. 

If the masses all over Russia had not been

 ready for insurrection it must have failed. 

The only reason for Bolshevik success lay

 In their accomplishing the vast and

simple desires of the most pro-

found strata of the people, call-

ing them to the work of tearing down 

and destroying the old and afterwards,

 in the smoke of falling ruins, cooperating 

With them to erect the framework of

the new. (p.254)


The simple and most powerful lesson

from Ten Days That Shook the World is

that it is only through the revolutionary self-

emancipation of the working class that a

true socialist alternative can emerge.


No comments:

Post a Comment