Tuesday, November 4, 2025

Cruelty is the point, Police State Violence and Terrorism and the Big Smirk

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Who's Threatening Who?

The Trump administration says immigration enforcement are being assaulted; the details tell a different story


America is living through an extraordinary experiment. We are watching the reality of what aggressive internal immigration enforcement looks like in American cities.

For President Trump’s supporters, the law is the law, and immigration enforcement must do whatever is necessary to remove anyone whose is undocumented.

For those living in the affected cities, it feels like they have been invaded. Masked and heavily armed officials march through their neighborhoods, waving guns, assaulting, arresting and sometimes even shooting their residents. The invaders are not immigrants, but the American government, and there does not seem to be any legal power restraining them.

For the rest of us, we experience these events through our social media filters and media bubbles. That makes understanding the ingredients that feed those information loops all the more important.

A crucial source of that information is the state itself. What is immigration enforcement saying about it’s encounters with the public? For one thing, it is acknowledging conflict. The Department of Homeland Security portray immigration officials as a group of federal employees under threat, claiming that:

  • Threats against immigration officials have increased by 8000%!

  • Assaults against ICE agents have increased by 1000%

These claims are featured in headlines and coverage. For example, the New York Post reports the numbers uncritically, and then blames Democrats for the surge in anti-DHS threats.

Quite how DHS generates these statistics is unclear. Reporters for National Public Radio asked for something the New York Post did not: the underlying data. DHS declined to share it.

So NPR tried to come up with an estimate by themselves, by looking at the number of court cases that mention assault of an ICE official. This seems a reasonable tactic because the Trump administration has promised to prosecute anyone who assaults immigration enforcement officials. They are even prosecuting people who make broad threatening statements or urge violence against immigration enforcement employees on social media.

Here is what NPR found: there has been a 25% increase in claims of assaults in court cases. Just in case you are not a math major or a stats guru, let me break down the numbers for you: 25% is a lot less than the 1000% increase in assaults that DHS claims.

It is certainly the case that ICE and DHS more broadly are in the public eye, and generating a lot of hostility. And a 25% increase in assault is a big year-on-year increase. But the sheer increase in the ICE presence on the streets makes more conflict with the public inevitable. By one credible count, ICE arrests have increased by more than 1000%. Even so, some of the claimed assaults NPR measured do not result in convictions.

So the aggregate data does not add up. I think its even more important important to look at the details of specific cases. So lets walk through a few high-profile examples where the government made aggressive claims about violent interactions with members of the public, saying that they were assaulted or in danger. You can judge for yourself, but for me the details shows government officials rather than public using excessive and in some cases deadly force.

While DHS data about threats to immigration enforcement do not add up, they are not measuring or discouraging something that is clearly increasing: the use of excessive force by agents of the state.

Dayanne Figueroa is a US citizen who was driving in Chicago near a site where federal agents were arresting landscapers. According to DHS she “crashed into an unmarked government vehicle and violently resisted arrest, injuring two officers.” The Assistant Secretary of DHS Tricia McLaughlin (remember that name) said Figueroa “used her vehicle to block in agents, honking her horn,” and that she “struck an unmarked government vehicle…In fear of public safety and of law enforcement, officers attempted to remove her from the vehicle. She violently resisted, kicking two agents and causing injuries. This agitator was arrested for assault on a federal agent.”

Got it? Figueroa drove into a government vehicle, and the officers arrested her due to public safety concerns, during which she violently assaulted them, causing injury.

Bystanders took a video. Please take a minute to watch it. It tells a different story.

News Eye @newseye.bsky.social
NEW: Footage of a US citizen in Chicago being rammed then dragged from her car on her way to work. Abducted, with no warrant, her family couldn’t find her for hours. She was later released with NO CHARGE. A DHS statement said she “violently resisted arrest, injuring two officers”. You decide…
Mon, 03 Nov 2025 19:14:05 GMT
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The video shows a woman forcibly being dragged from her car after being hit by a larger vehicle, by three armed and masked officials. The officials do not identify themselves. They do not provide a warrant. They advance with weapons drawn, as bystanders yell “you hit her” and “let go of her.” They yank her, barefoot, from the car, and then place their body weight on top of her. If there is violence in this interaction, it is only coming from one party. At no point does the woman look like a credible threat to anyone. There is no exercise of restraint, judgment, or nod to due process or constitutional protections on display by the officers.

Figueora was arrested. She says she was moved to multiple undisclosed locations, denied access to contact with her family members or a lawyer before being released. Her family discovered what had happened by seeing the video you just watched. She was not charged, unlike some of the other examples I will discuss below, perhaps because the existence of third-party video and witnesses that would have made such charges difficult to prosecute.

Now, I want to ask you: the next time you hear from DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin, will you believe her?

If your answer is yes, thats a problem. As The New Republic has reported, McLaughlin’s track record here is not good.

McLaughlin’s statements justifying horrific ICE arrests have ranged from missing essential details to contradicting witness testimony and straight-up lying about every single detail of an arrest.

But it’s also a problem if you don’t believe McLaughlin, not because she deserves your credulity. She does not. But she she leads public communication for DHS. And when the public stops believing the words of a part of government whose job it is to protect the public, it raises the question of what they think that government organization is actually doing. It raises basic questions of democratic legitimacy.

Here is another examples of McLaughlin justifying the use of force in what became an ironic image out of Chicago. Again she says the citizen (“thug”) engaged in assault. If you don’t buy the assault claim, then this simply looks like the use of excessive force against a terrified 15 year old protesting an unwelcome force in his neighborhood.

These are not one-offs. The Chicago Tribune, which reported out the Figueora case, points to a pattern in Chicago:

On Oct. 9, federal prosecutors on Thursday dismissed felony charges against an Oak Park man with intellectual disabilities accused of assaulting federal officers during a protest outside the Broadview immigration holding facility. A day earlier, a federal grand jury refused to indict a Chicago couple arrested during a violent protest outside the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in Broadview in September. And a WGN producer violently arrested by ICE in Lincoln Square on Oct. 10 was detained for seven hours by federal immigration authorities before being released without charges, according to her attorney. limiting the use of force against civilians and media in Illinois.

The legal system generally defers to agents of the state, so when prosecutors, grand juries and judges stop believing them, it is a sign that something has gone fundamentally wrong.

It is also not just Chicago. In Colorado, a group of protestors were at a federal facility after the arrest of an immigrant and his two children as they were traveling to school. A 57 year old woman goaded a masked official she was recording by saying “You’re a good Christian, aren’t you?” He knocked the phone out of her hands. She follows him, after which he yells “she’s assaulting me” while grabbing her by the hair, putting her in a chokehold, and tossing down a grassy embankment. It is possible the woman made contact — the video is grainy — but a) he clearly initiated the contact, and b) there is no plausible way to view her as a threat to an armed man two to three times her size.

Lets look at another example. ICE shot an American citizen and food bank worker in Los Angeles. After being released from hospital, he is facing charges of assault. Carlos Jimenez’s lawyer said that Jimenez got out of his car to tell ICE agents that students would soon be assembling for their school bus at the place where their vehicles were blocking part of the road. Then masked agents drew a gun on Jimenez who returned to his car, putting it into reverse. Officers then shot him.

Tricia McLaughlin claimed that Jimenez “attempted to run officers over by reversing directly at them without stopping” claiming that it is “another example of the threats our ICE officers are facing day in and day out as they risk their lives to enforce the law and arrest criminals.” His lawyer denies this, saying he was trying to back up to get around their vehicles. In this example, no video exists of the altercation, and so again we have to ask ourselves if we trust McLaughlin.

This is the fourth time in recent weeks federal immigration enforcement officials have fired into a vehicle. One of these, in Chicago, was fatal. Officers claimed that the immigrant they were seeking to arrest tried to run them over. A detailed breakdown of available video is inconsistent with that claim, and more consistent with ICE officers fatally shooting the driver as he sought to accelerate away from them. ICE is not allowed to use deadly force in such circumstances, but is allowed to do so if the subject posed an immediate danger to themselves or others, creating an incentive to claim such dangers. In Phoenix, ICE shot an immigrant under similar circumstances. The immigrant tried to pull away from a traffic stop, the ICE agent claimed the vehicle was driving in his direction, and shot the driver.

In another case in Chicago, Marimar Martinez, a citizen, was shot five times by a Custom and Border Patrol agent. She was accused of boxing in and ramming their vehicle. Tricia McLaughlin called the five shots “defensive” — the same language she used for the shooting of Jimenez. A DHS press release quoted McLaughlin:

law enforcement was assaulted yesterday, our brave law enforcement officers were rammed by vehicles and boxed in by 10 cars this morning. Agents were unable to move their vehicle and exited the car. One of the drivers who rammed the law enforcement vehicle was armed with a semi-automatic weapon. Law enforcement was forced to deploy their weapons and fired defensive shots at an armed US citizen who drove herself to the hospital to get care for wounds.

The “10 cars” claim is a bit unclear. Only the drivers of two cars are mentioned in the criminal complaint. Martinez is a licensed gun owner who had a handgun in her purse, not a semi-automatic weapon, and in the criminal complaint there is no claim she brandished the weapon. She also did not drive herself to hospital, which would have been impressive having been shot five times, but called 911.

For what its worth, here is the vehicle damage first from the CBP vehicle…

…and Martinez’s vehicle. Does this look like a ramming? A life-threatening assault? Defense lawyers are complaining the CBP vehicle was repaired before they could review the damage.

In this case, the driver admits she and another car was following the government vehicle, beeping to alert the community to their presence. There is, again, no video except for body camera from the CBP official, which has not been publicly released. Martinez’s lawyer was given access to the footage. He says the video shows CBP officials running into her and saying “Do something, bitch” before shots were fired.

So the things that everyone agrees on: She was tailing the CBP vehicle. The vehicles intersected. A CBP official got out and shot her five times. And now she is facing 20 years in prison.

DHS is not a credible source

The DHS has communications specialists to establish its version of events and modes to disseminate them. They have the resources of the Department of Justice to push their claims in court. The individuals they clash with do not. If they are lucky they have lawyers, who might decide it’s wise not to make statements to the press about what happened to protect their clients. And so, many DHS claims go uncontested, or get to frame initial impressions about the event.

But at this point anyone uncritically reporting statistics or narratives proposed by DHS is not really in the journalism business, if the journalism business is anchored on discovering and disseminating facts. Simply saying “The DHS said” is not a reasonable qualifier unless the media has more detail to report. Media have to weigh the news relevance of the state version of events while avoiding become stenographers for sources with a clear agenda and a record of misrepresentation.

I’m sure some readers have already thought to themselves “sounds familiar” as they recall how state and local police are afforded extraordinary credibility. When I posted about the tendency of federal officials to claim they were in danger, John Pfaff, a criminal justice professor, pointed out that “Years ago, AP [Associated Press] said it would not quote officers saying they “feared for their safety” after a police shooting absent independent verification, ostensibly bc those claims often failed to hold up.”

I take from John’s words that the credibility of government actors erodes the more often they are caught lying. The implication is also that what is happening now with immigration enforcement is nothing new. Fair enough.

But it is the case that the surge of so many federal officials into American cities, under conditions where they are uninvited by state and local elected officials, and unwelcome by the local population, is new. Their stock of credibility has quickly eroded. At some fundamental level, we have a deep democratic legitimacy problem.

The democratic legitimacy problem

Armed agents of the state have sworn to uphold a constitution whose creation was motivated in no small part by Founders opposed to having armed agents of the state imposed upon American communities. That basic democratic legitimacy problem cannot be easily fixed, but it is worsened when these agents of the state act in an imperious manner, seemingly unaccountable to anyone.

The adage “every accusation is a confession” is overused but we are seeing a distinct pattern of federal immigration officials claiming to be assaulted as they assault citizens and immigrants, saying they are under threat as they wave guns at people holding protest signs or honking at them. That pattern is encouraged by a federal government which will move heaven and earth to prosecute someone who tossed a sandwich at an official, but will excuse an official who shoots members of the public.

The extraordinary gap between the treatment of immigration enforcement officials and most federal employees is hard to overstate. The Trump administration has made good on its claim to put federal employees “in trauma” via firings, shutdowns, and politicizing their workplace. But federal officials waving guns have been offered bonuses, seen massive increases in resources, and promised free rein over the public.

Stephen Miller spelled this out: “To all ICE officers: you have federal immunity in the conduct of your duties. And anybody who lays a hand on you or tries to stop or obstruct you is committing a felony.”

Legally, “federal immunity” is not a license to kill. It is, in fact, dramatically more limited than Miller’s words imply. The official’s actions cannot be unreasonable (see Steve Vladeck for a longer explanation of case law)But as a statement of intent, this is chilling: Miller is telling federal officials to do what they want, and he is telling citizens that they will be turned into felons if they brush into the officers arresting their neighbors.

Without check, the violence will escalate. And the checks are not coming from the federal government. Every message DHS has sent is that the agents in all of the cases I have described have done nothing wrong; indeed, they are the victims. Organizational standards of professional practice are either absent, or completely at odds with what the public expectations of those standards should be.

This will get worse

Remember, we are in the early stages of this. DHS hopes hire thousands of new recruits. ICE leadership in many field offices was replaced for not being aggressive enough. Only a few cities have seen the surge. It can easily get worse. More shootings will mean more killings. An official waving an automatic weapon may panic and spray bullets into a crowd. Someone may shoot back. Every escalation becomes an invitation to more violence, and an excuse for more government officials to impose their will on an unwilling public.

All of this remains entirely predictable. But also preventable. Empires tend to collapse when they take unnecessary wars. Invading their own cities is the dumbest and least necessary of such wars. Even if it is not a literal war, the corrosion of public trust will have much the same effects on the people who refuse to accept DHS propaganda.

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Republicans Want Poor People to Suffer

GOP policy on poverty is driven by sadism

 
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Reagan official portrait; smiling, red tie, suit, flag behind him

This week the federal government, in defiance of the law and court orders, has delayed and cut SNAP payments, threatening 42 million Americans with food insecurity and hunger. To celebrate this entirely voluntary Trump exercise in misery and carnage, Newsmax anchor Rob Schmitt popped up on his hind legs to spew racist lies about the program, insisting that people were “selling their benefits” and using the program to “get their nails done” and “get their weaves and their hair.”

Aaron Rupar @atrupar.com
ROB SCHMITT: People are using SNAP benefits to get their nails done, to get their weaves and their hair. This is a really ugly program. SEN. RON JOHNSON: That program needs to be dramatically reformed.
Fri, 31 Oct 2025 13:25:06 GMT
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Nail salons do not except SNAP, ffs—but Republican Wisconsin Senator Ron Johnson nodded along ghoulishly, and then insisted that the real problem with the program was not that it was being illegally gutted, but that too many people relied on it.

Schmitt and Johnson were particularly incensed by Johnson’s Missouri GOP colleague Josh Hawley, who has been trying to fund SNAP because, even though he is a fascist insurrectionist piece of shit, he still believes that “our kids deserve to eat.” That makes him an outlier among Republicans, though, who mostly shrug at the idea that kids are starving, but get really upset at the idea that some poor person, somewhere, is using benefits for something they consider profligate.

Ronald Reagan infamously attacked “welare queens,”—Black women who were supposedly taking advantage of food and poverty assistance programs to make a fortune. This myth isn’t really based on facts, but on a moral intuition. That intuition is that aid programs should be judged failures if any poor person, anywhere, gets a dime more than they are entitled to, with the not very buried understanding being that poor people are not entitled to anything.

If it wasn’t clear, this is a terrible way to assess the success of an antipoverty program. You should assess antipoverty programs by whether or not they reduce poverty. And on that metric SNAP is very successful. More, programs which put fewer restrictions on aid are also, and arguably even more, successful.

SNAP—and also just give people money

Per a good explainer at Johns Hopkins, SNAP is appropriated by the federal government and administered by the states; recipients must be below 130% of the poverty line. SNAP benefits can’t be spent on tobacco, alcohol, nonfood items, or restaurants; it’s mostly restricted to grocery store items. 39% of SNAP recipients are children and 20% are elderly; 10% are people with disabilities. The benefits are only $187 per month , and administrative costs are low.

Food insecurity is correlated with mental illness and depression, especially in adolescents. It also weakens immune systems, which increases the likelihood that people will contract illnesses and end up in emergency rooms. And of course when you lose aid for food, you have to spend more money on food—which means without SNAP more people will be unable to afford rent and will end up homeless.

Starving millions of people is not some sort of cheat key for massive federal savings. On the contrary, if people don’t eat, they become sick, can’t work, and enter a downward spiral that puts massive strain on healthcare and social systems. Pushing people to starvation often results in a spike in crime; it can even lead to food riots if the crisis is great enough—and slashing aid to 42 million people is going to be quite a crisis.

Again, the Newsmax theory is that all of this is necessary to prevent people misusing the system by buying things other than food. Not only can people not buy anything other than food with SNAP, but there’s a ton of evidence that literally just giving people money to spend however they want is a hugely successful way to combat poverty.

Give poor people money

Though the political class—and especially Republicans—have largely memory-holed this, a few years ago we did a massive natural experiment in giving poor people money. During the pandemic, Congress expanded a benefit known as the Child Tax Credit. Essentially, the US started to give low-income families $2000-$3600 per child per year for children five or younger and $2000-$3000 for kids 6-17. The benefits were delivered as monthly payments, so between July and December of 2021, families received $250-$300 a month per child.

Around 61.2 million children received benefits. The first month of payments in July lifted 3 million children out of poverty, cutting the child poverty rate by about 26%. After six months, the program had reduced child poverty in the US by 30%. That means almost one in three poor children in the US in July 2021 were no longer in poverty by December.

Former West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin helped Republicans kill the expanded child tax credit because he worried that parents would use the money on drugs. This is the Newsmax logic; if anyone anywhere is misusing federal funds, that offsets the benefits of 3 million children a month being lifted out of poverty. Stopping one evil welfare queen is worth starving any number of children. Science.

Not surprisingly, Manchin was not just an evil piece of shit; he was also wrong. The vast majority of families who received child tax credit payments—91%—used the funds to pay for food, clothing, school supplies, utility bills, or rent. Some also used them for vehicle payments (19%)—often a vital necessity to get to work. They also used them for childcare (16%), or to pay down debts (17%).

Critics of the program worried that it would cause parents to leave the labor force. This is an odd concern, since a parent leaving the labor force to better care for their children is not a bad outcome! IN fact, though, the actual period of the ECTC saw a 1.7 percent increase in employment across the economy among parents and non-parents. This reflected general economic expansion and stimulus; the ECTC did not cause some sort of massive exit from the workforce. Many parents who received the tax credit said it helped them with child-care and transportation, allowing them to work more or to hold down jobs. In some cases it allowed them to return to school and become qualified for higher paying work.

These findings are consistent with other cash universal basic income initiative, including a recent basic income program for artists in Ireland, and a $1000 a month program giving cash to people in Illinois and Texas. In these studies, people again used the additional money to meet basic needs; housing, food, transportation, savings. They also used the payments to handle emergencies—to pay for funerals when a family member died, for example, or to enter drug treatment. Recipient’s quality of life improved significantly, which meant they were able to give more to their families and communities. The Irish arts study in particular found that the pilot program cost 72 million euros and generated 80 million in benefits—more than paying for itself.

The entitlement of the rich is the immiseration of the poor

The results of these programs are quite straightforward and even intuitive. If you give poor children money they stop being as poor. If you give people food they are less hungry. Cash payments allow people to meet their basic needs, pursue their dreams, and participate in society in beneficial ways. This isn’t rocket science. Are people like Ron Johnson, Ronald Reagan, Joe Manchin, and Rob Schmitt really too stupid to follow elemental logic? What’s wrong with them?

I think the problem is not of the intellect, but of the heart. Schmitt et. al. do not care about the overwhelming evidence that the poor and society as a whole benefit from aid because they do not in fact want children to escape poverty. They don’t want adults to escape poverty either. They see the poor as entitled villains. And they see them as entitled villains because they believe that poor people are entitled to nothing—not food, not joy, not life.

In Entitled, feminist philosopher Kate Manne argues that misogyny isn’t really about hate, but about entitlement; men believe they are entitled to women’s deference, women’s bodies, women’s service. Men feel that they are entitled to the feeling of superiority they get from knowing that women are less important and less powerful than they.

I think this is how prejudice works in relation to the poor too. Ron Johnson, for example, has used his position to feed at the public trough to the tune of millions. But rich men are entitled to all the money they can guzzle. Nor is that all; the rich believe they deserve not just all the money, but all the deference, all the power, and all the status. That status is only worthwhile if it allows them to look down at others—especially poor and nonwhite people (and especially poor and nowhite women, given Schmitt’s obsession with nail salons and weaves.)

Being rich is fun because you have lots of stuff. But an important part of the pleasure is not just enjoying what you have but enjoying what others do not have. Policing the purchases of the poor is part of the entitlement of the wealthy. Trump can have a gold plated bathroom because that’s the kind of thing he deserves. Trump and his minions can also shame and police poor people for buying soda, or getting their nails done, because, again, those are the perks of being wealthy.

Power is entitlement—and part of entitlement is the sadistic pleasure of immiserating women, Black people, immigrants, the poor. As Adam Serwer says, the cruelty is the point. Nor is the cruelty for the rich alone; middle class people, and even other working people can join in if they’re willing to hate their neighbors.

Republicans (and Joe Manchin) don’t attack SNAP and UBI because the programs are failures. They attack them because the programs are successful, and conservatives hate the idea that some poor person somewhere may be experiencing autonomy, freedom, or joy.

We could eliminate poverty and hunger if we wanted to. Republicans and conservatives have made it very clear for a long time that they do not to. They feel bigger, stronger, better, happier, more entitled when children are hungry.

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The Big Smirk

The cruelty is the point, party edition

 
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A person in a glass

AI-generated content may be incorrect.

Source: Yahoo News

There’s been plenty of scathing commentary about the lavish, Great Gatsby-themed Halloween party Donald Trump threw at Mar a Lago — a party complete with sequined, feathered dancers and, yes, a scantily-clad woman in a giant martini glass. The party, held just hours before 42 million Americans were about to lose federal food assistance, as 1.4 million federal workers are going without pay, was grotesque. It was also, like everything Trump, unspeakably vulgar.

But many commenters described the festivities as “tone deaf,” as if Trump didn’t realize how it would look to be holding such a party as tens of millions of Americans are facing severe hardship. C’mon. Of course he realized how it would look. He understood perfectly well that he was partying while ordinary Americans were suffering. And that understanding — combined with the belief that he can get away with it — was a big reason he enjoyed the event.

During Trump’s first term Adam Serwer wrote a justly celebrated article for The Atlantic titled “The cruelty is the point.” He argued that cruelty, and the joy some people take from inflicting cruelty, are what bind Trump’s most loyal supporters to him:

Trump’s only true skill is the con; his only fundamental belief is that the United States is the birthright of straight, white, Christian men, and his only real, authentic pleasure is in cruelty. It is that cruelty, and the delight it brings them, that binds his most ardent supporters to him, in shared scorn for those they hate and fear: immigrants, black voters, feminists, and treasonous white men who empathize with any of those who would steal their birthright. The president’s ability to execute that cruelty through word and deed makes them euphoric. It makes them feel good, it makes them feel proud, it makes them feel happy, it makes them feel united.

Serwer was thinking of working-class and middle-class Trump supporters, many of whom are voting against their own economic interests. But you can see the same joy in cruelty, not just in Trump, but in most of his top minions, from Stephen Miller and JD Vance to Tom Homans, Kristi Noem, Pam Bondi and Pete Hegseth. All of them clearly take a smirking satisfaction in their ability to stick it to the poor and powerless.

What about the guests at the party? What about the oligarchs abasing themselves at Trump’s feet? Some of them may share in the cruelty of Trump’s inner circle. Most probably just don’t care about other people’s suffering, certainly not enough to risk Trump’s wrath by protesting or even failing to show up.

So, to repeat, the party at Mar a Lago wasn’t a case of tone deafness, living it up despite others’ suffering. It was in large part a party held to celebrate others’ suffering.

As it happens, the obscenity in Florida took place at a time when a number of centrist pundits were engaging in their favorite sport, berating Democrats for being out of touch with ordinary Americans. As usual, their critique seems to be aimed at a right-wing caricature of the party rather than actually existing Democrats. But in any case, has any important Democrat ever done anything as remotely out of touch as Trump’s Halloween bash?

Will Trump and his friends pay any political price for this gross exercise in arrogance? They may believe that soon they won’t have to care what voters think. MAGA probably won’t be able to rig today’s vote, but it may believe that it will have thoroughly undermined democracy by the time the midterms roll around.

In any case, what’s remarkable and depressing is how successful so-called “populists” have been despite their obvious contempt for the little people.


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