https://freedomhouse.org/report/special-report/2020/new-eurasian-far-right-rising
~~ posted for dmorista ~~
Introduction by dmorista
I do not generally quote or excerpt material from Freedom House. As Source Watch points out: “Freedom House, Inc. (FHI) is a 'conservative research, publishing, networking, and selective human rights organization.' [1] Freedom House's work is linked to the 'democracy promotion' efforts of the National Endowment for Democracy which also funds the bulk of FHI's projects.[2]” The National Endowment for Democracy is well known as a modern day stand in to oversee projects the CIA used to run in previous decades. And also at Source Watch: “Diana Barahona's description of their board of trustees is a 'Who's Who of neoconservatives from: government, business, academia, labor, and the press'. ” We can safely say the Freedom House is a ruling class institution that advises the state apparatus on places where the repression and murder regimes have gotten out of control and are harming the empire's viability and continued existence. Anyone interested in a more comprehensive critique of Freedom House should read “The Freedom House Files”, Jan 3, 2007, The Monthly Review, at < https://mronline.org/2007/01/
But this excerpt demonstrates that Freedom House was pretty concerned just a couple of years ago at the pervasive and growing power of fascist elements in Ukrainian Society. For instance the report notes that:
“ ... in recent years the country’s significant democratic gains have been paralleled by a dramatic increase in the activity of far-right groups. While radical far-right groups have existed in Ukraine since the 1920s, they now represent a sophisticated and politically influential element of society. ....
“Far-right groups are also highly active outside the formal political arena. Emboldened by the struggle with Russia and greater societal acceptance of a radical and intolerant brand of patriotism, these groups target perceived internal threats and “impure” elements of society—including Roma, LGBT+ people, and religious and linguistic minorities—that do not align with their exclusive “traditional” vision of Ukrainian identity. ....
“The war in the east has provided newfound social legitimacy to far-right groups, bringing with it unprecedented levels of sophistication, funding, recruitment, and organizational capacity. According to Vyacheslav Likhachev, a Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine, the activity and visibility of these groups has increased significantly since the war’s outbreak, ....
“Worryingly, Ukraine’s far-right groups are not sustained on ideology alone: their activities are supported by various homegrown commercial and political operations, which regularly hire out the groups’ services as paid thugs. The Ukrainian government itself is one of many stakeholders that draws on far right groups’ violent skillset both formally and informally, even going so far as to integrate right-wing paramilitary groups into the Ukrainian armed forces.” (Emphasis Added)
The discourse in the section on Ukraine notes that Svoboda, the most successful by far of the far-right movements in electoral politics fell from a 10% share, its high point, in the 2010 elections, to a 2.15% share in the 2019 elections, and no longer had any party affiliated representatives in the Ukrainian Parliament. In the “Why These Movements Matter” section the report states that: “The weak electoral potential of such movements in Eurasia …. may reflect a reluctance by Eurasian movements, as yet, to play by the rules of more moderate and restrained electoral politicking, and instead to embrace vigilante and (often) thuggish mobilization methods on the street and online.”
We must remember, when reading this report, that Freedom House serves as institution that warns the Imperialist Ruling class when their clients are getting out of hand. This is not the work of some bunch of Leftists, this is a hard-nosed institution dominated by dedicated Imperialist Neo-Con Arm Chair Warriors.
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This is an excerpt that includes the most pertinent text from the Report. That is, the section on Ukraine, “Far-Right Groups in Ukraine: Professionalized with Mainstream Visibility”, and the Section “Why These Movements Matter”, plus the notes pertaining to these two sections. Anybody who wants to read the other sections that include an Executvie Summary, One Section each on Georgia and Armenia, and a concluding section The Path Forward can go to the url provided above.
Excerpt Below:
Far-Right Groups in Ukraine: Professionalized with Mainstream Visibility
Since the Revolution of Dignity of 2014, Ukraine has been widely viewed as an important leader and symbol of democratic values and reform across Eastern Europe and Eurasia.1 However, in recent years the country’s significant democratic gains have been paralleled by a dramatic increase in the activity of far-right groups. While radical far-right groups have existed in Ukraine since the 1920s, they now represent a sophisticated and politically influential element of society.2
In electoral politics, the Svoboda (Freedom) party is considered the most developed political arm of Ukraine’s far right. The party’s greatest political victory came in 2010, when it received 10 percent of the vote in parliamentary elections and several ministerial positions in the Ukrainian government. The Revolution of Dignity and outbreak of war with Russia in 2014 gave further momentum and mainstream legitimacy to nationalist political narratives, driving large numbers of patriotic Ukrainians to support more extreme measures to safeguard the country’s independence and security.3
Electoral support for Svoboda and other openly nationalist political parties waned in the years that followed; Svoboda took only 4.5 percent of the vote in 2014, and a Svoboda-led coalition of right-wing parties failed to enter parliament in 2019 after taking only 2.15 percent of the vote. However, the narrow vision of pro-Ukrainian nationalist orthodoxy and vehement anti-Russian rhetoric championed by Svoboda and its allies became a dominant political narrative, variants of which are increasingly common in mainstream political discourse. With his slogan “Army, language, faith!” former President Petro Poroshenko helped to popularize an exclusivist brand of patriotism that continues to draw significant support from both moderate and radical segments of society.4 Poroshenko’s political rhetoric ultimately culminated in a series of severe legal measures purporting to preserve Ukrainian identity, but which often infringe upon the rights of the country’s minority groups.5
Far-right groups are also highly active outside the formal political arena. Emboldened by the struggle with Russia and greater societal acceptance of a radical and intolerant brand of patriotism, these groups target perceived internal threats and “impure” elements of society—including Roma, LGBT+ people, and religious and linguistic minorities—that do not align with their exclusive “traditional” vision of Ukrainian identity.6 Their methods range from brutal violence, such as pogroms on Roma camps, to aggressive efforts to prevent the LGBT+ community from using public spaces and participating in public life.7 According to recent data from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the number of hate-motivated incidents in Ukraine has grown steadily in recent years, with 178 incidents recorded by the police in 2018 alone.8
The war in the east has provided newfound social legitimacy to far-right groups, bringing with it unprecedented levels of sophistication, funding, recruitment, and organizational capacity. According to Vyacheslav Likhachev, a Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine, the activity and visibility of these groups has increased significantly since the war’s outbreak, drawing new members from a generation of youth who have come of age in a new era of war patriotism.9 As the hot conflict against the external Russian threat has wound down, many young people have turned to far-right paramilitary groups in search of new ways to prove themselves, seeing membership as offering opportunities to defend the Ukrainian homeland against supposed internal enemies.
Worryingly, Ukraine’s far-right groups are not sustained on ideology alone: their activities are supported by various homegrown commercial and political operations, which regularly hire out the groups’ services as paid thugs. The Ukrainian government itself is one of many stakeholders that draws on far right groups’ violent skillset both formally and informally, even going so far as to integrate right-wing paramilitary groups into the Ukrainian armed forces.10 Likhachev observes that the establishment of far-right violence as a lucrative industry in Ukraine has resulted in greater fragmentation and radicalization of these groups, as they compete amongst themselves for resources and prestige. Thus, the instrumentalization of far-right groups by various actors pursuing personal gain has actually made the far right more dangerous to their ideological opponents by reinforcing the violent character of their activities.11
Violence and intimidation by far-right groups has taken place with near-total impunity, as Ukrainian law enforcement has rarely taken meaningful action to hold perpetrators accountable in recent years.12 This is primarily due to a lack of political will among policymakers and the Ukrainian public to take a stand on this issue in the context of the ongoing war. This failure of political will is complex and stems from many sources, ranging from genuine popular support for these groups as defenders of threatened Ukrainian identity, to powerful interest groups who stand to gain from the thriving industry of far-right thuggery. A weak legal framework to combat hate-motivated violence also aggravates the problem; existing articles in the criminal code do not provide investigators and prosecutors with the tools they need to hold perpetrators accountable for hate-motivated violence and are inconsistent with international standards.13
The election of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in April 2019 on an anticorruption and rule of law platform raised hopes that the government would take a firmer stance on this issue.14 While it is too early to assess the full impact of the new government’s policies, it is clear that some short-term progress has been achieved since Zelenskyy took office. According to Likhachev, the activity of the far right has become less prominent in recent months, with fewer violent incidents reported in 2019 than in 2018. Likhachev credits this change to a renewed commitment to maintaining law and order among law enforcement bodies—a key campaign promise of the Zelenskyy administration.15
However, it is doubtful if this dynamic can hold in the longer term, particularly as individuals with strong interests in sustaining far-right activity continue to hold positions of power in the new government,16 and the weak legal framework for bringing perpetuators to justice remains unchanged. Rather than truly disappearing from the scene, it may be that Ukraine’s far right is instead channeling their energies into sectors less visible to the public eye while they assess the changing political landscape under Zelenskyy.17 ….
Why These Movements Matter
The rise of far-right groups in Ukraine, Georgia, and Armenia has serious consequences for the continued political development of these societies. Eurasia’s far-right groups have an impact that carries well beyond the formal political arena, as they are both adept at shaping social and political discourse in their respective societies and pose a direct physical threat to vulnerable minority populations. Moreover, such groups can be and often are exploited by malicious actors seeking to serve their own ends. Unless serious action is taken, far-right influences will continue to flourish in these societies, marring their potential for further democratic development.
Power Beyond the Ballot Box
Particularly in Georgia and Armenia, the potential for far-right groups to win significant political power through elections in the near future is negligible. Even in Ukraine, the electoral power of far-right political parties is on the wane, and analysts such as Vyacheslav Likhachev predict that this trend will continue under the Zelenskyy administration.52
The weak electoral potential of such movements in Eurasia is notable at a time when elements of far-right ideology in Europe and the United States are becoming mainstream, and parties representing nationalist, antiliberal politics have made gains in several elections. This may reflect a reluctance by Eurasian movements, as yet, to play by the rules of more moderate and restrained electoral politicking, and instead to embrace vigilante and (often) thuggish mobilization methods on the street and online. Nevertheless, in light of the growing popular acceptance of far right-narratives, the potential for such groups to develop a significant political following in the medium- or long-term must not be discounted.
Regardless of their electoral power, it is undeniable that radical, ultraconservative, and ultranationalist groups have had an impact far beyond the formal political arena of elections. By employing effective mobilization strategies in favorable contexts, these groups have demonstrated a strong ability to shape social and political discourse according to their ideological framework, stretching the boundaries of society’s tolerance to accept ever-more radical interpretations of key topics surrounding national identity, patriotism, and security. By shifting societal discourse on these core topics, far-right ideology has the potential to have an outsized effect on the formal political arena, and to attract politicians and voters across the ideological spectrum toward intolerant, antiliberal ideologies.
In an immediate sense, far-right groups pose a direct physical threat to minority populations, undermining their ability to exercise basic freedoms of expression and assembly. LGBT+ people, immigrants, and other minority groups face a constant barrage of threats and intimidation, which is too often met by a lackluster response from law enforcement. Wielding vigilante justice with near-impunity, these far-right groups undermine the fundamental rule of law that is the bedrock of any democratic society.
Manipulation by Internal and External Interests
The manipulation of far-right groups by political and commercial interests is a cause for serious concern. As we have seen, the manipulation and financing of these groups at the local level can cause them to mature into a professionalized shadow industry, from which various actors, including those in power, may contract violent “services” at their whim. Demand for professional far-right thuggery feeds a vicious cycle of further radicalization and violence
Moreover, the “service” orientation of these groups leaves the door open for unsavory external actors—particularly Russia—to hijack the political development of their societies. Ukraine, Georgia, and Armenia have long fought on the front lines of Russia’s hybrid warfare, facing constant and unrelenting pressure from a mixture of soft and hard power influences. It would clearly play to the interests of the Russian government to support extremist, antidemocratic elements in these countries as part and parcel of ongoing destabilizing efforts.
Allegations of Russian involvement and support for these movements throughout the region are widespread, although pinpointing explicit funding streams or other forms of support is often difficult.53 Adekvad in particular is widely rumored to have close links with and support from the Kremlin.54 For their part, far-right movements in Ukraine and Georgia seem largely sincere in their anti-Russian sentiments. Nevertheless, the ultraconservative values and criticisms of the liberal, globalist order they promote dovetail with Russian soft-power narratives. Whether through direct support or soft-power propaganda, there are many opportunities for the Kremlin to manipulate these groups to its advantage. Unless counter steps are taken, far-right groups will continue to serve as a vulnerable entry point in their societies for Russia and other malicious external actors to exploit.
It should also be acknowledged that Russia is not the only influential international actor with a stake in this game. Far right-groups in Ukraine, Georgia, and Armenia speak openly about the inspiration and other forms of support that they draw from movements in the United States and Europe. In some cases, this support is quite public. For example, in 2016 the US–based Christian evangelical organization the World Congress of Families held its annual international conference in Tbilisi, uniting ultraconservative, anti-LGBT+ activists from around the world and featuring local speakers including Patriarch Ilia II and the infamous Levan Vasadze.55 Former US president George W. Bush expressed his support for the gathering in a public letter that was read onstage.56
Until governments in the US and Europe take responsibility for their own countries’ contributions to legitimizing far-right discourse internationally, it is likely that these hateful narratives will continue to flourish.
Notes 1 - 17 and 52 - 56:
1). According to Freedom House’s 2018 Nations in Transit report on Ukraine, the country has achieved important democratic gains since 2014, including in corruption and local democratic governance. See “Ukraine Country Profile,” Freedom House, Nations in Transit, 2018, https://freedomhouse.org/
2). A 2018 study by UNDP Ukraine revealed that, even though Ukrainians favor and support equality in society, a significant percentage of them approve restricting the rights of vulnerable communities. See “Ukraine,” OSCE ODIHR Hate Crime Reporting, http://hatecrime.osce.org/
3). A 2018 study by UNDP Ukraine revealed that, even though Ukrainians favor and support equality in society, a significant percentage of them approve restricting the rights of vulnerable communities. See “Ukraine,” OSCE ODIHR Hate Crime Reporting, http://hatecrime.osce.org/
4). Vyacheslav Likhachev, personal interview, December 2019; Leonid Ragozin, “Why ethnopolitics doesn’t work in Ukraine,” Aljazeera, April 9, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/
5). April Gordon, “In Ukraine and Beyond, Democracy Requires Both Freedom and Security,” March 2019, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/
6). ECRI Report on Ukraine, September 2017, https://rm.coe.int/fifth-
7). Marc Behrendt, “Neo-nazis are often unwelcome guests at civil society events in Ukraine,” Freedom House, May 30 2019, https://freedomhouse.org/
8). OSCE ODIHR Hate Crime Reporting Ukraine, http://hatecrime.osce.org/
9). Vyacheslav Likhachev, personal interview, August 2019.
10). Vyacheslav Likhachev, “Far Right Extremism is a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy,” Freedom House, Nations in Transit, May 2018, https://freedomhouse.org/
11). Vyacheslav Likhachev, personal interview, August 2019; “Ukraine’s ultra-right increasingly visible as election nears,” AP News, March 27, 2019, https://apnews.com/
12). On July 11, the Rada’s Temporary Investigative Commission (TIC), which was formed in November 2018 to investigate attacks against civic activists, released its final report to the Rada. The TIC’s key conclusions were that “activists in Ukraine are in need of protection by law enforcement and MPs” and that “criminal cases on attacks against activists are closed without due cause.” See “’Activists need protection from law enforcement’: Verkhovna Rada approves TSC report,” Zmina, July 2019, https://zmina.info/news/
13). Article 161 prohibits violations of equality based on several characteristics, though sexual orientation and gender identity are not explicitly included.
14). “Ukraine’s New Leadership: Challenges and Opportunities,” Gina Lentine, Freedom House, July 9, 2019, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/
15). Vyacheslav Likhachev, personal interview, August 2019;
“Full Text of Volodymyr Zelenskyy's First Speech as President of Ukraine,” Hromadske International, May 20, 2019, https://en.hromadske.ua/posts/
16). Minister of the Interior Arsen Avakov is widely rumored to be closely connected with far right militia groups. See Marc Bennett, “Ukraine's National Militia: 'We're not neo-Nazis, we just want to make our country better,'” Guardian, March 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/
17). Oleksandra Delemenchuk, personal interview, August 2019.
….
52). Vyacheslav Likhachev, personal interview, December 2019.
53). Anton Shekhovtsov, “Conventional bedfellows: The Russian propaganda machine and the western far right,” Eurozine, October 2017, https://www.eurozine.com/
54). Ani Mejlumyan, “Anti-Pashinyan Facebook group forms political party,” Eurasianet.org, May 2019, https://eurasianet.org/anti-
55). “World Congress of Families gathering in Tbilisi showcases anti-LGBT rhetoric and conspiracy theories,” Southern Poverty Law Center, June 2016, https://www.splcenter.org/
56). “President Bush, Patriarch Ilia, Levan Vasadze, and Dr. Carlson Inspire Over 2,000 Delegates at World Congress of Families X in Tbilisi, Georgia,” Standard Newswire, May 2016, http://standardnewswire.com/
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